Iranian Journal of Sociology

Abstract Citizenship is a reciprocal idea that is not merely a set of rights that frees one from commitment to others. Rather, a mechanism of citizenship duties is necessary for the realization of these rights.Research Method: Survey and cluster sampling method ,sample size , using Cochran's formula 384, which according to the pandemic conditions of Corona virus at the time of research data from 356 questionnaires and analysis with Mplus & SPSS. The findings : level of citizenship irresponsibility is above average and close to high. And the level of social distrust is from the middle to high level, which mostly includes the dimension of organizational distrust.The relationship between the level of social distrust, citizenship rights and education with the level of citizenship irresponsibility is significant. The effect coefficients of the variables, the degree of citizenship rights - 29%, social distrust - 0.72% (indirect), level of education - 16% were obtained.

Abstract This article aims at testing Henry Lefebvre's theory of right to the city in Tehran. By adopting a quantitative approach, implications and relevance of the framework and the concepts, as well as the possibility of adding gender as an effective independent variable to the framework will be investigated. The results from a sample of 168 men and women in all 22 municipalities of Tehran indicate that the theory is substantially relevant in Iranian society with a single exception of the concept of production of space. This could be a consequence of culturalpolitical differences in the concept of right and citizenship in different social contexts. Logistic regression analysis also shows that there are gender based differences in the realization of right to the city in Tehran. Women's enjoy less participation and appropriation in the city and gender plays an important role along with class in realization of right to the city.

Abstract This article aims at testing Henry Lefebvre's theory of right to the city in Tehran. By adopting a quantitative approach, implications and relevance of the framework and the concepts, as well as the possibility of adding gender as an effective independent variable to the framework will be investigated. The results from a sample of 168 men and women in all 22 municipalities of Tehran indicate that the theory is substantially relevant in Iranian society with a single exception of the concept of production of space. This could be a consequence of cultural-political differences in the concept of right and citizenship in different social contexts. Logistic regression analysis also shows that there are gender based differences in the realization of right to the city in Tehran. Women's enjoy less participation and appropriation in the city and gender plays an important role along with class in realization of right to the city.

Abstract Citizenship stems from the mutual relations of the state and the individual. These relations involve, on the one hand, the state's support of the individual. In the present article, the concept of citizenship is defined using three basic elements: political identity, equality of participation and legal equality. Political identity is characterized with identity with the nation-state; equality of participation is characterized with the right to elect and being elected; legal equality is characterized with the equal rights of distribution and equality of opportunities. The results of the secondary analysis of the data show that, first, the four empirical dimensions of citizenship are in the following order in terms of the contributions they make to the formation of this concept: sense of equality of opportunities, sense of equal rights of distribution, sense of political identity and, finally, sense of equality of participation. Second, the sense of civizenship with respect to the three elements of equality of opportunities, equal distribution of rights and equality of participation is rather moderate, whereas the sense of political identity is very strong. Third, the intensity of the four dimensions of citizenship is almost the same among various ethnic, religious, professional and educational groups, with the social strata hardly affecting the sense of citizenship. The weakness of the sense of citizenship in the three areas mentioned and the strength of the sense of political loyalty shows, on the one hand, a drop in the resources of civil legitimacy and, on the other hand, the existence of other resources of legitimacy, specially religious legitimacy. This explains the fact that, in spite of the weak record of the state in safeguarding the rights of citizenship, the sense of loyalty to the state is still strong among Iranian citizens. This, it is suggested, is because the religious resources of legitimacy compensate for the drop in the resources of civil legitimacy.