Iranian Journal of Sociology

Abstract Rites of passage consist of three stages: the beginning, the middle, and the end. These rites involve the roles of a mentor and spectators, and the inability to complete them leads to frustration and social stigma. There is no return to the previous stage in rites of passage. A similar situation can be observed in migration, where a specific decision marks the start of the rite of passage. Individuals go through hard stages like legal and regulatory preparations and soft stages like changing habits and lifestyles. Preparing for migration can be seen as a kind of rite of passage, where the mentors, rituals, and rules gradually become defined and recognized. Entering the rites of migration involves a suspension of life that can be brief or prolonged. Migration without any changes in lifestyle is rare

Abstract The people of Isfahan have consistently faced the challenge of economic sanctions while living in post-revolutionary Iran. Since 2011, sanctions have intensified and have seriously impacted the everyday lives of Iranians with the goal of causing paralysis. This article aims to interpret the everyday lives of young people in Isfahan during the period of economic sanctions. The conceptual framework of the paper is inspired by Berger and Luckmann's social constructionism theory. The method used is narrative analysis. Episodic interviews were conducted with 16 young men aged 20 to 35, and the data were analyzed using thematic narrative analysis. The findings indicate that the main feature of everyday life during this period is a loss of agency. Although economic sanctions have disrupted the axiomatic aspects of everyday life, other axiomatic routines have been constructed through the struggles and experiences of the actors in this situation.
 
 

Abstract This paper tries to provide a better understanding of Iranians’ everyday life in the telegram. Recently, telegram has become the most popular Instant Messaging Application (IMA). Regarding the telegram’s popularity, there is a need to conduct thorough research into different aspects of using it. In order to carry out this study, different theories about everyday life were evaluated, especially Schutz’s ideas. A combination of participant observation and qualitative interviews was employed as a methodology. Therefore, we participated constantly in a group and interviewed 8 telegram heavy users. The findings showed that the meaning of time in telegram has changed. Furthermore, a part of individuals’ worlds has changed in the actual world by the telegram. Additionally, the shaping of  “Thou-orientations” and “We-relations” are easier in the telegram. Most importantly, telegram disturbs the order of zones of relevance, changing and expanding them. Hence, some situations with low relevance are converted to the ones with high relevance. This phenomenon caused what Bayat called the quiet encroachment of the ordinary people. This is kind of resistance but not the only one. It is important to note that users employ this app as a field to create their techniques.    

Abstract The article aims to grasp an understanding concerning the Iranian everyday life through studying public parks as one of the urban public spaces in which everyday life takes place. In Tehran metropolis two large public parks exist. One is located in prosperous northern part of the city, and the other is situated in the mainly lower class southern part. These two parks were selected for the present research. The same strategy was followed in the provincial 'Middletown' of Kerman, in which Park-e Maadar and Park-e Showra are located. The former is situated in the prosperous part of the city and the latter in the predominantly lower class part. Tehran is a highly alienating metropolis. It seems that in this so-called modern capital, the costs of modernity outweigh its benefits. In such a city, walking, hiking and passing time in a park, is an important outlet for escaping from the alienation produced by a metropolitan setting. In contrast, in Kerman, modernity is hardly something more than modern instruments and technologies. Family relationships are still strong. Despite the fact that extended family is an extinct social institution in Kerman today, most of the younger nuclear families are organized around a central older family to make a network for social interactions. In this provincial city, individualism and alienation are less important factors in everyday life. As a result, under the influence of different structures of everyday life two more or less different public spaces have been produced by people.

Abstract The present article is a study on women’s perceptions and lived experiences of empowering and submissive acts in their everyday life, in Tehran, from a phenomenological, inductive and exploratory approach. The study has been aimed at discovering the situations and moments in which women feel empowered or submissive in their everyday life. We have applied grounded theory as a qualitative research method. Data were collected through interviews and participant observation. The population under study includes women between 20-60 years of age residing in Tehran. We have employed theoretical sampling method and interviewed 28 women as our sample. The research results indicate that the Iranian women are socialized in two different and paradoxical models: 'mother as a role model' and 'father as a role model'. Normally these negate each other during women’s life. The level of this contrast determines the source of power which a woman uses in each situation. Therefore, two sources of power can be distinguished what we call here the 'conspicuous power” and 'genuine power'. The 'genuine power' comes from the inside of a person not heeding whether a given exertion of power sounds empowering from outside. Whereas, conspicuous power is just a theater of resistance or power displayed for the external spectators. Both sources of power reproduce themselves in women’s individual and social life.